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Texte du premier discours du Gordon Brown devant le Congrès du Parti travailliste en tant que chef de celui-ci. Brown annonce notamment ses intentions en matière de politiques sociales. Le discours est également disponible en video sur youtube.com.
Honoured and humbled by the trust you have given me, I speak to you for the first time at our Conference as Prime Minister and Leader of this Party.
No one could have foreseen all the events that Britain has been through since June.
But tested again and again the resilience of the British people has been powerful proof of the character of our country.
Early on a June morning, two cars were found parked and packed with explosives in Haymarket, London.
They were put there to bring terror and death to men and women who would do nothing wrong but be out with their friends, walk on our streets and visit our capital.
But from the bomb disposal experts who courageously risked their lives, to the Londoners who defiantly went on with their lives, that day the world witnessed the resolve and strength of the British people.
And when the terrorists tried to attack Scotland’s biggest airport, they were answered by the courage of the police and firefighters and a baggage handler named John Smeaton. He came to the aid of a policeman under assault from one of the terrorists.
Later John told me it was instinctive, he was doing what was right.
That man, that hero John Smeaton is here with us today and on behalf of our country – John, we thank you.
Every citizen who answered the call of the country – policemen and women, our security and emergency services, our health services – all left their mark on this island’s story by keeping us safe. They are the pride of Britain.
Just as our armed services with bravery and heroism every single day also make us proud. We mourn those who have been lost and we honour all those who in distant places of danger give so much to our country.
It was in these early weeks, in the wake of the worst flooding in almost 150 years, in county after county, we saw British people pull on their boots and pull out their boats to rescue neighbours and strangers.
And together they went to work to clean up the streets, sweep out the shops and reopen the schools. Long after the waters have receded the memory of their quiet strength remains.
They too showed the character of Britain : communities where buildings can be damaged and even destroyed but our spirit is indestructible. They too make us proud of the extraordinary resilience of ordinary British people.
And then on an early August morning in Surrey, a farmer went out to tend to his livestock and what he saw terrified him, made him remember back to 2001 when all across our countryside clouds of smoke scarred the sky and for many in farms and villages, family dreams were turned to ash.
During the outbreak this summer, our vets, scientists, and public officials in DEFRA cancelled their holidays. To fight the contagion farmers worked day and night. And they have done it all over again this month and continue to do so. Their actions live out our shared understanding that our countryside is more than the space that surrounds, it is the oxygen for our towns and cities.
And in order to be the country we should be, Britain must protect and cherish not just our cities, but our countryside too.
And as we saw again this summer there is no Scotland-only, no Wales-only, no England-only answer to the spread of disease or to terrorist attacks that can strike at any time, anywhere in any part of our country. And sharing this same small island, we will meet our environmental, economic and security challenges not by splitting apart but when we as Great Britain stand united together.
So my sense of talking to people in all parts of these islands is that instead of leaving us pessimistic, these three months make us more optimistic about what we the British people at our best can do.
Our response was calm and measured. We simply got on with the job.
Britain has been tested and not found wanting.
This is who we are.
And there is no weakness in Britain today that cannot be overcome by the strengths of the British people.
So don’t let anyone tell us Britain is not equal to every challenge.
We all know that in our society we do have real problems to solve, real needs to meet, but don’t let anyone tell us – the British people – that this country of ours, which has over centuries given so much to the world, has ever been broken by anyone or anything.
I am proud to be British.
I believe in British values.
My father and my mother taught me about family and the great virtues of hard work, doing your duty and always trying to do the right thing.
And I have never forgotten my father telling me to “treat everyone equally with respect”.
His optimism led him to find goodness in everyone.
My father was a minister of the church, and his favourite story was the parable of the talents because he believed – and I do too – that each and everyone of us has a talent and each and everyone of us should be able to use that talent.
And the values I was brought up with are not just what I learned ; they are part of the fabric of the life I have led.
Not just where I come from but the experiences that have shaped me.
I attended the local state primary school in Kirkcaldy a few streets away from where I lived - and then I took the school bus to the local secondary school up the hill.
And I have school friends I have kept in touch with all my life who have shared the good times and comforted me in the bad times.
Today I have the greatest privilege of all - to have been chosen by them to represent in Parliament the place where we all grew up together.
The office where I hold my constituency surgeries is just across the road – a few yards from the house where I lived as a child.
I benefited from great and dedicated teachers.
And I was fortunate enough to get to university.
But as a teenager I saw close friends of mine who might have gone to college or an apprenticeship or to university who never did.
I know some could not to afford to stay on at school.
For others, their potential had never been nurtured.
When they heard about further education, they thought, or their parents thought, it was not for people like them.
And the reason I am here – the real reason I am here – is that I want their children and their grandchildren whom I also represent to have all the chances that were not available to my school friends when we were growing up.
That’s the reason I am here : I want the best of chances for all families.
So what first made me want to do something in public service ?
I don’t recall all the sermons my father preached Sunday after Sunday.
But I will never forget these words he left me with : “we must be givers as well as getters”.
Put something back.
And by doing so make a difference.
And this is my moral compass.
This is who I am.
I am a conviction politician.
I stand for a Britain where everyone should rise as far as their talents can take them and then the talents of each of us should contribute to the well being of all.
I stand for a Britain where all families who work hard can build a better life for themselves and their children.
I stand for a Britain where every young person who has it in them to study at college or university should not be prevented by money from doing so.
I stand for a Britain where public services exist for the patient, the pupil, the people who are to be served.
I stand for a Britain where it is a mark of citizenship that you should learn our language and traditions.
I stand for a Britain where we expect responsibility at every level of society.
I stand for a Britain that defends its citizens and both punishes crime and prevents it by dealing with the root causes.
I stand for a Britain where because this earth is on loan to us from future generations, we must all be stewards of the environment.
So I stand for a Britain where we all have obligations to each other and by fulfilling them, everyone has the chance to make the most of themselves.
And these are the principles which I believe can guide us as we, the British people, meet all the new challenges ahead : global economic competition, the terrorist and security threat, climate change, the yearning for stronger communities, the pressures to balance work and family life, and most of all - something you can hear and sense in every part of the country - the rising aspirations of the British people.
Our purpose has always been to be the party of progressive change.
Once our struggle was to secure minimum standards, then to extend opportunity.
But we need to be honest : today the rising aspirations of the British people summon us to set a new direction.
As the world changes so we must change too.
And I believe that when you get something right, you build on it. But part of experience and judgement is to recognise that when you fall short, you listen, you learn and then you are confident enough to change.
In Britain today too many still cannot rise as far as their talents can take them.
Yet this is the century where our country cannot afford to waste the talents of anyone.
Up against the competition of two billion people in China and India, we need to unlock all the talent we have.
In the last century the question was can we afford to do this ?
In the face of economic challenge, I say : in this century we cannot afford not to.
And the country that brings out the best in all its people will be the great success story of the global age.
Now think of the communities from where we have travelled here to Bournemouth. How many young people - young boys in particular - fail to develop the potential they have ?
How many women still come up against a glass ceiling that blocks their advance ?
How many men and women who hope to move up the ladder in mid career are deprived of the chance to upgrade their skills and jobs ?
How much talent that could flourish is lost through a poverty of aspiration : wasted not because young talents fail to reach the stars but because they grow up with no stars to reach for ?
And how many of our youngest children are still deprived of the early learning they need.
Why should we accept so many children destined to fail even before their life’s journey has begun ?
So this is the next chapter in our progress. The next stage of our country’s long journey to build the strong and fair society.
I want a Britain where there is no longer any ceiling on where your talents and hard work can take you.
Where what counts is not what where you come from and who you know, but what you aspire to and have it in yourself to become.
Past generations unlocked just some of the talents of some of the people.
In the new Britain of this generation, we must unlock all the talents of all of the people.
Not the old equality of outcome that discounts hard work and effort.
Not the old version of equality of opportunity – the rise of an exclusive meritocracy where only some can succeed and others are forever condemned to fail.
But a genuinely meritocratic Britain, a Britain of all the talents.
Where all are encouraged to aim high.
And all by their effort can rise.
A Britain of aspiration and also a Britain of mutual obligation where all play our part and recognise the duties we owe to each other.
New Labour : now the party of aspiration and community. Not just occupying but shaping and expanding the centre ground. A strong Britain ; a fairer Britain.
Putting people and their potential first.
You know, there was another day in the past few months, one that did not make the news.
It was a day I went to Hackney to Lauriston Primary School where I met a six year old boy called Max.
We walked through the library and then the classrooms. He sat with his teacher, Eddie O’Brien, and me.
He had a book in his hand and his hair was a little uncombed - which as far as I am concerned may be a good sign.
Max had been falling behind at school, struggling to read. But because of the ‘Every Child a Reader’ programme, he was now receiving one to one coaching, and he wanted to read us a story.
He did brilliantly as he read from a gripping narrative about “The Gingerbread Man” and he smiled as he finished.
In that classroom our mission for change was as clear and strong as the words being read by Max.
What he was really telling us is that every child has potential if given the chance.
Today in education, private schools offer one to one tuition. But why shouldn’t all pupils and not just some benefit from extra personal help ?
And because I want every child to be a reader, every child to be able to count, we have decided that one-to-one tuition will be there in our schools not just for Max, but for 300,000 children in English and 300,000 in maths.
And because we want to unlock all the potential, not just the three R’s, for every pupil as we look ahead with pride to the Olympics we aim for the first time for five hours a week sport and time for arts and music too.
So whenever we see talent under-developed ; aspirations unfulfilled ; potential wasted ; obstacles to be removed ; this is where we – new Labour - will be.
Hear me when I say : No matter where you come from. No matter your background. No matter what school you go to. My message, our message, is and must be : if you try hard, we will help you make the most of your talents.
So for every secondary pupil a personal tutor throughout their school years - and starting with 600,000 pupils, small group tuition too.
Learning personal to each pupil.
Education available to all – not one size fits all but responding to individual needs.
This is the future for our public services. Accessible to all, personal to you. Not just a basic standard but the best quality tailored to your needs. Education is my passion.
And as we expand specialist, trust and academy schools it’s also time to make the biggest change in education in decades, a ten year children’s plan to make our schools, colleges and universities world class.
Instead of education from 5 to 16, we will be offering free universal education to every child – from nursery school at 3 to advanced studies or training right up to 18.
In just one decade we are doing what no government has ever done : moving the right to education from 11 years free education to 15 years.
But we will only make the most of this if every teenager who leaves at 18 can graduate with a good qualification.
So for every apprentice, a certificate of completion. For every college or school student, A-levels and diplomas and for all a clear pathway into skilled work. And we offer teenagers national youth community service - I want every young person in Britain to be able to say : this is my country. I contribute to it. I help make it better.
It’s wrong that anybody should be put off going to college or university by the fear it will cost too much.
So when the big new changes we are now making are fully in place, 300,000 students will receive full grants. 600,000 – that’s two thirds of students - will have grants. That’s the change : more students with grants than at any time in the history of university education.
And to those who say more going to university must mean worse standards, let us stand up for opportunity. In many other countries the majority of young people now go to university. In Britain just 42 per cent ; just 10 per cent from low income backgrounds. So for 16 year olds from low income families who stay on at school, we will make a new five year offer - we will finance you through college or university, right through to 21.
Merit rewarded in a Britain not divided by class but united by aspiration. Showing a class-free society is not a slogan but in Britain can become a reality.
Every fifty seconds in Britain a child is born.
Who knows what might happen to that child ? Who knows if they could someday start a thriving business, become a proud nurse, a good football player, or a great scientist ? Who knows if they will exceed all of their parents’ hopes to see them get on, have a good job and a loving family ?
So every child deserves the best possible start in life.
We have lifted 600,000 children out of poverty. We are doubling child benefits. We have trebled maternity allowances. And 6 million families now benefit from the Child Tax Credit.
None of this happened before a Labour Government.
But we are not satisfied.
And the Pre Budget Report will set out our next steps because our goal for this generation is to abolish child poverty and let me reaffirm that goal today.
And I say to the children of two parent families, one parent families, foster parent families ; to the widow bringing up children : I stand for a Britain that supports as first class citizens not just some children and some families but supports all children and all families.
We all remember that biblical saying : “suffer the little children to come unto me.” No Bible I have ever read says : “bring just some of the children.”
Because no child should ever be written off, for mothers of infants, we will expand the help of nurse-family partnerships.
And for families and teenagers in trouble, new one-to-one support led by the voluntary sector that, up and down the country, we know can make all the difference.
And because its unfair to the children that fathers walk away from their responsibilities, we will insist on new powers to name absent fathers on birth certificates and to pay their share : maintenance deducted from benefits as we return them to work.
And let me also say that I am now understanding the daily pressures all families and all parents are under to do everything on time : make breakfast, get the kids to school with their homework done, make sure no one forgets their P.E. kit or a school play rehearsal. And of course fit in your own life and work and make sure it all fits in 24 hours.
I have heard the call for change and we must respond to the rising aspirations of parents.
Because we, a Labour government, introduced six months paid maternity leave, the take up has risen from 25 per cent to 90 per cent. And so it is right this year to raise it to nine months for all mothers on the road to 12 months paid maternity leave.
All this is part of the revolution in services for parents and the under fives : now 7,000 extended schools, moving from zero to 3,500 sure start children’s centres, the doubling of nursery education – two-thirds of a million more child care places.
This is the next stage in the transformation of public services. Our aim high quality care not just available to some but to all and tailored to parents needs when they need it and at a price they can afford.
A growing number of parents who care for their children now also care for elderly relatives. I want our new carers commission to hear the call for change from millions of carers – and this government will now do more for respite care, for training of carers, for better pension rights and to give new priority to caring for disabled children.
And I pay tribute to our Deputy Leader Harriet Harman who by her campaigning work is pioneering this cause of equality. No discrimination on the basis of race, gender, sexuality, age, or faith. And no discrimination against the disabled.
We know that all parents are under more than the pressure of time.
Today amongst the biggest influences on children are the Internet, TV, commercial advertising. And like many parents I feel I’m struggling to set the boundaries so that children can be safe – and that’s why we have asked Dr Tanya Byron to look at how families can make the most of the opportunities new technology gives while doing our duty to protect children from harmful material.
And to honour those who raised us, I can affirm our commitment to restore the link between the Basic State Pension and earnings.
It’s time also to make public services personal to the needs of the elderly : more control over personal social care budgets ; more choice managing chronic care ; a wider range of services from home helps to district nurses. Better personal care so that older people can choose to stay in their own homes.
I want to ensure for all those who have served the community all their lives – respect, dignity and security in old age.
And everything we build — we build on a strong foundation of economic stability.
Our commitment to stability has been tested again and again over ten years : the Asian crisis ; the Russian crisis ; the American recession ; the trebling of oil prices. And in the last month a wave of financial turbulence that started in America and then Germany and has impacted on all countries including the United Kingdom and tested the stability of our financial system.
Yesterday Alistair Darling set out how we will continue to respond with the same calm vigilance that he has demonstrated over recent weeks.
And it is because of the strength of the British economy that we are able to steer a path of low inflation, low interest rates and stable growth.
Ten years ago before a Labour government we were 7th in the G7 for income per head. Now we are second only to the USA - above Germany, above France, above Italy, above Japan, above Canada - with the longest uninterrupted period of economic growth in the history of our country.
And in Britain where once there were three million unemployed, there are today more men and women in jobs than ever in our history - for the first time over 29 million people in work.
And we will continue to intensify the reform of the new deal, remove every barrier, show we can have flexibility and fairness together to advance to a Britain of full employment in our generation.
And we will build on one of the greatest achievements of our Labour and trade union movement – the National Minimum Wage. Next week we will again raise the National Minimum Wage to £5.52 an hour and because we will do more for vulnerable workers, in all companies and in all places the minimum wage will be enforced without exception.
And next week for the first time on top of holiday entitlement 4 days paid public holidays guaranteed.
We should take pride that, under a Labour government, Britain - this small number of people on this small island - is the fifth largest economy in the world.
As we set out on the next stage of our journey this is our vision : Britain leading the global economy – by our skills and creativity, by our enterprise and flexibility, by our investment in transport and infrastructure – a world leader in science ; a world leader in financial and business services ; a world leader in energy and the environment from nuclear to renewables ; a world leader in the creative industries ; and yes – modern manufacturing too – drawing on the talents of all to create British jobs for British workers.
There is another aspiration I have heard across the country.
I’ve met too many young couples who’ve told me - we work hard, we save, we play by the rules, we want to get on and yet we can’t afford to buy or even rent our first home.
So we plan to help first time buyers and we will increase house-building to 240,000 new homes a year - in places and ways that respect our green spaces and the environment. My aim by 2010 two million more homeowners than in 1997.
And for the first time in nearly half a century we will show the imagination to build new towns - eco-towns with low and zero carbon homes. And today because of the response we have received we are announcing that instead of just 5 new eco towns, we will now aim for ten eco towns ---- building thousands of new homes in every region of the country.
And for affordable housing and for social housing we will now invest £8 billion. This will mean a 50 per cent increase in funds for social housing. I call on all housing associations and councils of all political parties not only to support shared equity for first time buyers, but to help us build more social homes for rent, more homes for key workers and more homes to cut the unacceptable levels of overcrowding. Good homes to rent and buy for the British people.
A strong Britain is a Britain of strong communities where by accepting our mutual obligations to each other we can make our homes, our streets and our neighbourhoods safe.
Those who choose to disobey the laws of our land - their crimes, the pain they inflict, that danger and immorality - threaten the rights and security of every citizen.
No parent should ever have to endure the suffering of the family of Rhys Jones, the young boy callously murdered in Liverpool on Wednesday August 22nd.
And the reason the people of Britain have been so shocked is that amongst the vast majority of us there is an abhorrence of guns in our society.
That is why we took the right decision to ban handguns. And now we need to deal with the illegal supply of guns.
Two thirds of deaths from gun crime occur in just four cities. In the last few weeks Jacqui Smith and I have focussed on the specific areas in these cities where as I saw on Saturday at first hand the police will now : match intensive uniformed patrolling and extensive undercover work ; with the use of stop and search powers and dispersal powers ; reinforced by new hand-held weapon detectors ; and all backed up at a national level by the work of the organised crime agency and our border force rigorously targeting and stopping the illegal entry of guns.
My answer to crime and disorder - our policy - is to both punish and prevent.
To punish : for anyone over 18 illegally carrying a gun, a five-year sentence.
To prevent : in our schools intensive education warning about guns and knives and teachers encouraged to use new powers to confiscate weapons. And in our communities ex gang members helping us pull young people out of gangs.
To punish the evil of drug pushers who poison our children : I want the tough new powers that have already closed over one thousand crack houses in some areas of the country to be used in all areas of the country.
And to encourage local police to use new powers to confiscate drug profits, more of the confiscated funds will go direct to the police and local communities.
To prevent addiction : we will extend drug education and expand drug treatment and we will send out a clear message that drugs are never going to be decriminalised.
There are now 139,000 police officers and 16,000 Community Support Officers – more officers than ever before.
And by April 7th next year, every community will have its own neighbourhood policing team. And I can announce that we will provide hand held computers - 1,000 now, by next year 10,000 right across the country – cutting paper work so that officers can log crimes on the spot, stay on the beat and not waste time returning to the station to fill out forms.
So yes we will strengthen the police. Yes we will strengthen our laws. But preventing crime for me also means all of us as a community setting boundaries between what is acceptable and unacceptable behaviour – with clear penalties for stepping over the line.
Boundaries that reflect the words I was taught when I was young – words upon which we all know strong communities are founded : discipline, respect, responsibility.
Bullying is unacceptable – and unacceptable too is disrupting a classroom.
So to punish : we will give teachers the support they need to exclude.
To prevent : parents held accountable – fined if they fail to supervise. And so that these young people are not left to hang around street corners, councils and authorities obligated to maintain their education and supervision.
Binge drinking and underage drinking that disrupt neighbourhoods are unacceptable.
To punish : let me tell the shops that repeatedly sell alcohol to those who are under age – we will take your licences away.
To prevent : councils should use new powers to ban alcohol in trouble spots and I call on the industry to do more to advertise the dangers of teenage drinking.
I’ve met young people and pensioners alike who say they want to feel safe when they go out but also that young people need somewhere to go and something to do.
So respect must be a two way street.
As we take action against anti-social behaviour, so too we must take action that could transform our communities, by providing the kind of facilities young people want and need.
So we will use unclaimed assets in dormant bank accounts to build new youth centres, and we will invest over £670 million pounds so that in every community there are places for young people to go. With youth budgets let us say to young people : for the first time you will have a say over how the money is spent.
I believe we have not done enough in the last ten years to emphasise that in return for the rights we all have, there are responsibilities we all owe.
New rights to better health care but you have to show up and not miss your appointment. New rights to educational maintenance allowances but you have to show you are working hard. New rights to higher maternity allowances but you have to meet with a health visitor. The right for company boards to make their own decisions, but obligations to the rest of society too. And an understanding that if you come to our country you not only learn our language and culture : you must play by the rules.
In July I announced a new unified border force. And already the first elements are in place - a stronger uniformed presence at ports, customs officers targeting illegal immigration, stronger security checks at passport control, by next year ID cards for foreign nationals and we will start to count people in and out.
And we will move forward with our new Australian-style points-based approach to immigration. So Britain will continue to benefit from skilled workers from abroad and they will understand their responsibilities to earn the right to settle in Britain.
But let me be clear any newcomer to Britain who is caught selling drugs or using guns will be thrown out. No-one who sells drugs to our children or uses guns has the right to stay in our country.
And to achieve a Britain of mutual obligation, I am convinced that we need a new kind of politics.
I continue to reach out to all those who work hard and play by the rules, who believe in strong families and a patriotic Britain who may have supported other parties but who like me want to defend and advance British values and our way of life.
All of the challenges we have to face can only be met by listening to and involving the British people themselves. And I have no doubt that the best answer to disengagement from our democracy is to renew our democracy.
And that means more change :
Change to make the executive more accountable. That’s why parliament will make the final decisions about peace and war ;
Change to strengthen our liberties to uphold the freedom of speech, freedom of information and the freedom to protest ;
Change to strengthen local democracy with new powers for economic development and bus services and I pay tribute to the work of our local Labour councillors across the country.
Change within our own party, now for the first time to decide our policy one member one vote ;
And yes : change to the House of Lords - and we will in our manifesto commit to introduce the principle of elections for the second chamber.
Perhaps the biggest challenge for the new politics is to show how we as a community can join together to safeguard the environment, to turn the silent, rising tide of global warming.
And I am proud that Britain will now become the first country in the world to write into law binding limits on carbon emissions. But I am not satisfied : so I am asking the new independent climate change committee to report on whether the 60 per cent reduction in emissions by 2050, which is already bigger than most other countries, should be even stronger still.
And by investing in energy efficiency, renewables, carbon capture, clean fuels and new environmental technologies, I want Britain to lead in carbon-free vehicles, carbon-free homes and carbon-free industry. And I want the new green technologies of the future to be the source of British jobs in British businesses.
And I commit to work tirelessly for a new post-Kyoto UN climate change agreement with - yes - to help the poorest, binding targets for all the richest countries.
And let me say : we in Britain cannot be good stewards of the environment unless we are good internationalists and that means being good Europeans too.
At all times we will stand up for the British national interest.
And I accept my responsibility to write in detail into the amended European Treaty the red lines we have negotiated for Britain.
And whether it’s environmental, economic or security cooperation, we will hold fast to the partnerships with our closest ally America, our membership of the European Union, the Commonwealth and our commitment to the United Nations.
You know, there is a golden thread of common humanity that across nations and faiths binds us together and it can light the darkest corners of the world. And the message should go out to anyone facing persecution anywhere from Burma to Zimbabwe : human rights are universal and no injustice can last forever.
People will look back on events in Darfur as they did in Rwanda and say why did you the most powerful countries in the world fail to act, to come to the aid of those with the least power ?
Who can fail to be moved by the mother in Darfur who saved her two youngest children from militias and hid them away ? She rushed back to her village to find her husband and older son murdered - and then was repeatedly raped by the Janjawid.
All for being a member of the wrong tribe, all for acting upon that shared human impulse to protect her own children.
Her story touches our deepest conscience and summons us to act. In my first weeks I went to the United Nations where we fought for and secured a clear and unequivocal UN-resolution. We have sent a message directly to the government of Sudan : make progress or face tougher new sanctions. And we will not rest until there is an end to the aerial bombings, a ceasefire, a lasting political settlement and justice for the women and children of Darfur.
One of the great challenges we now face is to work for peace and security in the Middle East. Tony Blair - for thirteen years the Leader of our Party - is now leading in the middle east peace effort and let me here acknowledge the contribution he is making now and the debt we owe as a party and as a country to Tony Blair.
And as the Northern Ireland Assembly meets, thanks also to the work of Tony Blair, let us celebrate that Northern Ireland is now building prosperity because it is now enjoying peace.
And working internationally for understanding and reconciliation across borders, Neil Kinnock, here with us today, is chairing the British Council and let me also acknowledge the debt of gratitude we in this party owe to him.
Because we will do our duty and discharge our obligations, we will work in Iraq and Afghanistan for three objectives : security, political reconciliation and economic reconstruction, and at all times we will do everything to ensure the security of our dedicated armed forces.
Let me say : there should be no safe haven, no hiding place anywhere in the world for Al Qaida and terrorism.
To prevail in this struggle will require more than military force and we will work with our allies to isolate extremism and win the battle of hearts and minds.
I tell you today : there is a global poverty emergency.
Today 80 million children do not go to school. I want us, inspired by Nelson Mandela’s lead to take a campaign to every corner of the world - so that we will be the first generation to ensure every child in every country in every continent has the right to go to school.
Every year 10 million die from diseases we could have the medicine and science to prevent and cure. If in the 20th century human ingenuity could put a man on the face of the moon, then surely in this 21st century human compassion can lift the pain from the face of a suffering child. So let us be the first generation to ensure that every infant child and mother is protected against, and that we eliminate, the scourges of tuberculosis, polio, diphtheria, malaria - and HIV/aids.
For sixty years Britain has shown the way to health care not as a privilege to be paid for but as a fundamental human right.
Better than any other endeavour the NHS expresses our mutual obligation to each other : because all of us need help some of the time, it is the best insurance policy in the world.
I’ve been round the country and I’ve been visiting hospitals, GP surgeries, health centres.
I have listened to and I have heard the British people.
They know when they have a medical emergency the NHS is there for them and at its best. They tell me of their huge admiration for our doctors, our nurses and our NHS staff - and we do not thank them enough, and we should do so now.
I know too there are real concerns about basic things that need to change : getting in to see your GP when you need to ; being confident the ward in your hospital will be clean ; and at every stage being treated as an individual with respect.
So yes there is work to do.
But let us be clear : the British people do not want to remove the NHS bit by bit ; they want to improve the NHS year by year.
And why shouldn’t all British people and not just some be able to see their Doctor at the time they want, at the hospital or clinic they want - not at a time someone else wants.
So let me set out how we take the NHS into a new era.
Our great achievement of the 1940s was a service universal to all. In 2007 we need a service that is accessible to all and personal to all.
Our great ambition now : a National Health Service that is also a personal health service.
And we now have to make big practical changes to set a new standard of service.
MRSA and C-Difficile are this century’s hospital diseases which every modern country is now having to root out.
And to make sure every hospital is clean and safe, following best practice around the world, there will be new funds direct to every hospital for a deep clean of our wards.
We will more than double the number of hospital matrons to 5,000. We will give matrons and ward sisters in all 10,000 wards the powers to report cleaning contractors and safety concerns directly to hospital boards and a stronger health care commission.
And I can announce that matrons will have the power to order additional cleaning and send out a message - meet the highest standards of cleanliness or lose your contract.
I want an NHS : personal to you because you are seen by a consultant in a matter of days, not months ; personal to you because there is a right to be given x-ray results quickly and time to discuss your treatment ; personal to you because we know that being unwell is not just a nine to five problem.
And so we will make GP hours more friendly to families, open up opportunities to see a GP near your place of work as well as your home, expand walk in centres, medical services at pharmacies and ensure a better service from NHS Direct.
I know the most worrying time for women is whenever breast cancer is suspected. That’s when you need an NHS personal to you.
On best medical advice, we will now extend the ages for breast cancer screening by six years, treat every suspected breast cancer as urgent and guarantee your consultant can fast track you.
And we will also extend colon cancer screening right up the age scale into your seventies.
I can also say that, following the review by Professor Darzi, my aim for the next stage of an NHS personal to you : for every adult a regular check up on the NHS.
In July I met Liam Fairhurst, a twelve year old boy who won the Diana Princess of Wales medal for raising money for cancer and leukaemia research. And he was raising money in memory of a childhood friend who died from cancer even as he himself is fighting the disease.
And I believe this too is a mission for our generation.
Over the next ten years : I am proud to announce that through the medical research council and the NHS together, Britain will invest more than ever before - £15 billion of public money - financing the genius of British researchers and doctors as they convert breakthroughs in genetics, stem cell research and new drugs into cures and vaccines to combat cancer and the deadliest of diseases.
My vision of the NHS – an NHS that is both pioneering new cures and personal to you.
And why do I believe so strongly in the NHS ?
When I was at school it was football, rugby, running, sports : these were what I did all the time and so I was fitter then.
But when I was sixteen, when I was playing for my school rugby team against our former pupils, someone accidentally kicked me near my eyes. And from the age of 16 to 21, I spent a lot of time in hospital as the NHS worked to save my sight.
I learned that with a simple twist of fate life can change.
It was the skills of a surgeon, the care of wonderful nurses, the attention and yes, the love and care of the NHS staff that managed to save one of my eyes.
And it is because of the NHS that I can see the words I read today.
The experiences we live through shape the way we think of the world. Experiences like these have made me the person I am.
Sometimes people say I am too serious and I fight too hard and maybe that’s true.
But these experiences taught me what families all across Britain know : that things don’t always come easy and there are things worth fighting for.
Like so many people across this country I have the best of reasons to believe in the life-saving power of the NHS - and the liberating power of education - and for making them both the best they can be.
So this is my pledge to the British people :
I will not let you down.
I will stand up for our schools and our hospitals.
I will stand up for British values.
I will stand up for a strong Britain.
And I will always stand up for you.
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| Nicolas Sarkozy, Site du Président.
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| David Autor, William Kerr, Adriana Kugler, IZA DP No. 2571, 49 pages.
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| John Schmitt et Ben Zipperer, Center for Economic and Policy Research.
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| M-F. Mouriaux, Centre d’études de l’Emploi, Noisy-le-Grand, Document de travail, n° 77, 26 pages
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| La Tribune, 15 octobre 2003
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| Bureau fédéral du Plan (BFP), 2 pages.
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| Mark Schreiner, Center for Social Development Washington University in St. Louis, 23 avril 2004, 43 pages
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| Economic Mobility Project, 12 pages.
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| Washington Post
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| Tito Boeri, Telos-EU
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| L’Express
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| Laurène Fauconnier, Métis. Correspondances européennes du travail.
Un an après la mise en place du CDD senior, l’échec est au rendez vous. Il semble que cette mesure singulière ne contribuera pas vraiment à atteindre l’objectif européen d’un taux d’emploi des 55-64 ans de 50 % en 2010, contre 38 % actuellement.
L’accord sur l’emploi des seniors, signé le 29 mars 2006 par les trois confédérations syndicales CFDT, CGC, CFTC, n’a pas produit dans la première année de sa mise en oeuvre les effets escomptés. Le contrat à durée déterminée destiné aux seniors de plus de 57 ans et sans emploi depuis au moins 3 mois, a bénéficié, selon les Echos, à moins de 20 personnes. C’était la mesure emblématique d’un accord qui comportait par ailleurs des dispositions visant à favoriser le maintien dans l’emploi et l’aménagement des fins de carrière. Un budget de 10 millions d’euros avait été prévu pour accompagner le lancement du plan en 2006. La moitié de ce budget a été consacrée à une campagne de communication. Le reste n’a pas été utilisé, il était destiné à soutenir les actions de gestion prévisionnelle de l’emploi et des compétences dans les branches et à soutenir les démarches d’entreprises visant à améliorer les conditions de travail. Les branches professionnelles devaient dans les 6 mois suivant la date d’entrée en vigueur de l’accord négocier « les mesures les plus appropriées à l’atteinte des objectifs énoncés ». Elles n’ont pas bougé ou peut-être pas encore abouti. Les acteurs patronaux comme syndicaux semblent avoir quelque mal à dépasser le discours des bonnes intentions et à trouver des solutions appropriées. Mais peut-on dissocier le problème des seniors de celui plus large de la crise du travail qui affecte notamment la France ?
On peut rappeler quelques chiffres précisés par le ministère du Travail : 350.000 personnes de plus de 50 ans sont demandeurs d’emploi, 400.000 personnes de plus de 55 ans sont indemnisées tout en bénéficiant d’une dispense de recherche d’emploi.
Le travail des seniors préoccupe tout particulièrement les pays européens confrontés à la question du financement des retraites mais aussi à une pénurie de main d’œuvre croissante. C’est ainsi que tout récemment, le patronat danois DI (Dansk Industri) a proposé au gouvernement de réduire l’impôt des seniors de 64 à 66 ans de 100 000 couronnes par an soit 14500 euros ! Au Danemark, le taux d’emploi des 55-64 ans est de 60%, (la Suède fait mieux à 69 %) mais chute à 15 % pour les 65-69 ans. A titre de comparaison, pour cette même tranche d’âge, la France se situe à 3%. Modèle social danois quand tu nous tiens !
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| European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions, 74 pages.
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| Bernhard Ebbinghaus, Werner Eichhorst, IZA DP No. 2505, décembre 2006, 66 pages
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| Thomas Schnee, Métis. Correspondances européennes du travail.
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| Martin Hirsch, Haut Commissaire aux solidarités actives contre la pauvreté, 11 pages.
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| Patrick Feltesse, Chronique internationale de l’IRES, no. 108, 12 pages.
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| Julie Allard, Anaïs Bertrand-Dansereau, Julien Demers et Jean-Marc Fontan, ARUC-ES, Cahier RQ-03-2007, 104 pages.
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| Ernst Hillebrand, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Paris, 7 pages.
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| Olivier Bailly, Jean-Marc Caudron et Denis Lambert, Le Monde diplomatique
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| L’Express
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| Anne-Catherine Husson-Traore, Novethic
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| A. Lieber et M. Gernet (dir.), Eldis Corporate Social Responsibility Resource Guide 2007
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| OCDE, 12 pages.
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| Eurosif, 2003, 12 pages
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| 2003 - 2002 - 2001 - 2000
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| Rapports introductifs au colloque "Qu’est-ce qui nous divise (encore) ?" Fondation Jean-Jaurès et Nouvel Observateur, 31 mars 2007.
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| Karin Barlet et Bonnie Brusky (GRET/CIRAD), 2002, 5 pages
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| Center on Budget and Policy Priorities et Campaign for Tabacco-free Kids, 2 pages.
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| Barbara J. Fraser, Catholic News Service
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| Véronique Smée (avec PM Coupry), Novethic
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| A. Parmentier, Institut de Recherches économiques et sociales de l’Université catholique de Louvain, Louvain, Regards économiques, n° 47, 17 pages.
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| Du Grain à Moudre, France Culture, 1h00.
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| Mathieu Lefebvre, Sergio Perelman et Pierre Pestieau, Service Public Fédéral Sécurité Sociale, Bruxelles, Revue belge de sécurité sociale, n° 1/2005, 2005, pp. 59-76
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| Ministère suédois de la Santé et des Affaires sociales, 2 pages
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| Stuart Adam, Mike Brewer and Andrew Shephard, Institute for Fiscal Studies, octobre 2006, 74 pages
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| Cécile Wetzels, IZA DP No. 2853, 39 pages.
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| Washington Post
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| O. Hardarson, Eurostat, Luxembourg, Statistiques en bref, population et conditions sociales, n° 96/2007, 8 pages.
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| T. M. Andersen et M. Svarer, University of Aarhus, School of Economics and Management, Aarhus, Economic working paper, n° 2007-9, 33 pages.
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| Per Kongshøj Madsen, 18 mai 2006.
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| Ai-Tu Dang et Hélène Zajdela, Centre d’études de l’emploi, Document de travail, n° 83, 34 pages.
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| Peter Slevin, Washington Post.
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| Insee, 273 pages.
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| L’Express
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| Au nom de sa liberté d’expression, François Fillon a réaffirmé lundi que l’Etat était dans une "situation critique" trois jours après ses déclarations controversées sur la "faillite" de la France.
"La France est un pays riche, qui heureusement a des ressources qui lui permettent de faire face à l’avenir mais l’Etat est dans une situation critique", a déclaré le Premier ministre sur RTL.
"Cela fait 33 ans que la France (...) n’a pas voté un budget en équilibre (...) On a 1.150 milliards de déficit à la fin de 2006. Ce n’est plus supportable", a-t-il insisté.
"Je crois que ce qui compte, ce n’est pas les mots, ce sont les réalités et la réalité c’est que notre pays doit changer radicalement d’état d’esprit s’agissant de son regard sur les finances publiques", a fait valoir le chef du gouvernement.
Vendredi, lors d’une rencontre avec des viticulteurs corses, François Fillon a déploré être "à la tête d’un état dans une situation de faillite sur le plan financier".
"Ce que j’ai voulu dire c’est que l’Etat emprunte pour financer ses dépenses de fonctionnement ce que n’importe quel chef d’entreprise, n’importe quel chef d’exploitation, n’importe quel chef de famille comprend qu’on ne peut pas continuer", a-t-il expliqué lundi.
Sur la dette et les déficits, "on a trop longtemps caché la vérité aux Français. Je l’ai dit avec mes mots, je suis comme je suis et je m’exprime librement et je crois que c’est d’ailleurs une des choses importantes que chacun s’exprime avec liberté", a-t-il poursuivi, démentant tout différend avec Nicolas Sarkozy.
DICTIONNAIRE
Jeudi à la télévision, le président de la République "a clairement dit que nous devions remettre les comptes publics à l’équilibre (...) Chacun a ses méthodes et ses mots mais au fond c’est la même chose", a assuré François Fillon.
"Le mot de faillite dans le dictionnaire il a deux sens (...) Il a un sens financier naturellement. Il a un autre sens qui est l’échec d’un système. Nous sommes devant l’échec d’un système", a-t-il ajouté.
Edouard Balladur lui a apporté son soutien lundi. "Il a raison de dire que la situation n’est plus supportable", a déclaré l’ancien Premier ministre sur LCI. "Il faut impérativement remettre de l’ordre dans les finances publiques (...) Les mesures on les connaît. Ce qu’il faut maintenant, c’est de la volonté".
Le gouvernement doit présenter cette semaine le projet de loi de Finances et le budget de la Sécurité sociale pour 2008.
"Nous avons révisé notre prévision de croissance pour préparer le budget de 2008. Il est aujourd’hui basé sur une prévision de croissance de l’ordre de 2,2%", a expliqué François Fillon.
Dans un document sur la trajectoire pluriannuelle des finances publiques françaises transmis à Bruxelles mi-septembre, Paris "juge prudent de construire son budget 2008 sur une hypothèse de croissance comprise entre 2% 2,5% avec un point médian de 2,25%".
Pour l’année 2007, le déficit de la Sécurité sociale sera "grosso modo (...) de l’ordre de 11,7 milliards d’euros", a ajouté François Fillon.
"Cela veut dire que les plans successifs n’ont contribué qu’à freiner l’augmentation du déficit (...) Si nous n’avions pas pris au mois de juillet les mesures qu’il fallait on serait sur une pente de 14 milliards en 2008".
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| J-C. Barbier, Centre d’Economie de la Sorbonne, Paris, Draft chapter to be published in "Flexicurity and beyond", Jorgensen and Madsen, eds, 32 pages.
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| Sjef Ederveen, Joeri Gorter, Ruud de Mooij, Richard Nahuis, Bureau central de planification (CPB), 10 avril 2002, 103pp
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| Daniel Cohen, Nouvel Observateur, 7 juin 2007.
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| Hans-H. Münkner, ARUC-ES, Cahier C-03-2006, 25 pages.
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| Observatoire européen des relations industrielles
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| Agenda for Shared Prosperity, EPI and The American Prospect.
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| Dan Balz, Washington Post.
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| In World Economic Outlook, International Monetary Fund, Washington, 31 pages.
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| Mark Thirlwell, YaleGlobal
After reaping benefits from globalization for decades, the developed world is having second thoughts about its value. Pollsters in advanced economies report declining public support for open markets and free trade ; politicians increasingly gain more political mileage by being identified as a globalization skeptic than globalization booster ; and essays fretting over the sustainability of international economic integration fill the opinion pages of the world’s leading financial newspapers and international-affairs journals Yet at the same time, globalization itself continues apace, as trade and investment flows surge around the globe, tying national economies ever closer together and delivering perhaps the strongest period of growth for the world economy since the Second World War. Can this dichotomy persist, or will the rich world’s rising globalization angst be sufficient to send the integration process into reverse ?
Certainly, there are clear signs that the international policy environment is becoming less globalization-friendly, a development marking a pronounced reversal in the general trend since the 1980s. After the failed meeting in Potsdam, the Doha round of international trade negotiations looks to be on its way from intensive care to the crematorium. Meanwhile, protectionist sentiment is on the rise in the US and Western Europe, manifesting itself in public and political disquiet over offshore outsourcing, foreign investment in sensitive areas, migration and, in particular, trade with China. As Washington and Beijing face off over China’s exchange-rate regime and the ballooning bilateral trade deficit, the US Congress is busy crafting bills that threaten punitive sanctions, and pundits warn of the possibility of tit-for-tat trade sanctions. Granted, other forces still drive economic integration – the effects of technological innovation and the competitive pressures arising from the emergence of something that now closely approximates global capitalism both continue to run at close to full throttle. Nevertheless, the foundations for globalization are no longer as solid as they once were.
There are two strikingly new elements to this ongoing re-evaluation of the costs and benefits of the global economy : First, it is largely being driven not by the failures of globalization – for example, a recurrence of the 1997-98 financial crisis – but instead by its successes, principally the adjustment strains created by the globalization-powered economic take-off in India and especially China. Of course, should the global economic environment become significantly less benign, anti-globalization pressures would likely become even stronger. Second, the most heated debate is taking place in the developed world. Historically, much of the skepticism about the workings of the international economy came either from developing economies themselves or from their perspective. Critiques tended to be based on the assumption that the system operated largely to the unfair advantage of the rich world and the detriment of the poor, producing calls for a New International Economic Order in the 1970s and 1980s. Such criticisms can still be heard today, but they have been muted by the evident economic success of developing giants like China and India. Instead, many of the loudest attacks on the consequences of globalization now come from those countries that were the architects and builders of the new global economy.
There is a powerful irony here. Policymakers in the developed world spent years preaching to their developing-country counterparts that the path to greater prosperity lay in closer integration with world markets. But when Beijing and New Delhi decided to listen, and moreover, when that policy advice turned out to be right, many in the developed world have found themselves increasingly disconcerted by the results. Some are now scared by the success of globalization in creating powerful new competitors in global markets, while others are spooked by the security implications of the consequent redistribution of economic power. These critics seem to view unqualified support for open markets on the part of the developed world as a modern variant on the old theme of capitalists happily selling the rope to hang themselves.
A second group of skeptics focuses on the distributional consequences of globalization. They are ill at ease with a rise in national inequality that correlates with growing international economic integration and troubled by the implications of a growing share of trade with heavily populated, low-income economies like China and India. Alongside these longstanding concerns about the effects of international trade, there are new fears that the nature of trade itself has altered and that the steady expansion of the traded sector of the economy to encompass more service-sector jobs has somehow altered the basic rules of the game. No matter how much mainstream economists argue that the logic of cross-border exchange still applies or how often government statisticians point to the relatively low number of jobs currently involved in offshore outsourcing, the result has been that a new set of workers feels exposed to the winds of international competition, and is hence more ambivalent about the case for open markets.
A third set of issues raising rich-world fears relate to natural resources and the environment. The prospect of intensified competition for non-renewable natural resources is often seized on by those searching for a zero-sum counterexample to most economists’ determinedly optimistic view of trade and globalization as positive-sum games. Fears that the world might run out of resources have been around since at least the time of Thomas Malthus’s 1798 “Essay on the Principle of Population,” despite the fact that to date technological progress and the price mechanism have worked to disprove earlier bouts of resource pessimism. But the prospect of a sustained boost to commodity demand, and hence commodity prices, due to the industrialization and urbanization of the world’s two most populous economies resurrects some old worries together with forecasts of a scramble to lock up control of strategic resources in the face of rising resource nationalism.
Meanwhile, the environmental consequences of feeding the growing appetites of the Chinese dragon and Indian elephant also make the developed world jumpy. With global warming now seen as a pressing policy issue by a growing share of rich-country voters, the role of both economies as major new polluters receives greater attention. So while the overall level of carbon in the atmosphere is overwhelmingly a legacy of the rich world’s own industrialization, the rapid rise of developing countries on the list of current and future emitters has not been missed, especially given recent estimates that China has overtaken the US as the world’s largest emitter of greenhouse gases. In summary, globalization in general and the rise of China and India in particular now present the developed world with a series of reasons to worry. Not all of these fears are shared by the same constituencies, and it is far from clear that the best policy response in each case would be to unwind the process of international economic integration. Even so, the pressure on policymakers to temper or modify that process is undoubtedly on the rise. For more than two decades now, much of the world has pursued pro-globalization policies and the result has been a wealthier and more dynamic global economy. That globalization-friendly environment is now under threat because the phenomenon may have succeeded too well for the rich world’s comfort.
About the Author : Mark Thirlwell is director of the international economy program at Sydney’s Lowy Institute for International Policy.
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| Simon Schwartzman, Instituto de Estudos do Trabalho e Sociedade (IETS), Rio de Janeiro, February 2003, 38 pages
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| Eloi Laurent, Globalist
While global GDP growth continues unabated and inflation remains low, signs are emerging that the world economy may be headed toward a rough patch. As Éloi Laurent argues, this is because turbulences encountered by the United States and China — particularly income inequality and protectionist sentiment — are increasingly having global repercussions. Summer has not been kind to globalization. While there are no signs of a crash, doubts are increasing that the forward motion is perpetual. Trade talks could resume and by miracle finally lead to a deal. Even more unlikely, financial markets and central banks could manage to reassess risks and set prices accordingly in a sustainable manner. And yet globalization would still be in jeopardy.
Contradictory times
Few ideas seem as counterintuitive in the present. The world economy, now truly deserving its name, in 2006 concluded its most prosperous five-year term since 1945, with annual GDP growth of around 4%. International trade is buoyant, with exports growing twice as fast as global GDP for the last ten years. Global inflation is moderate, at around 3%. As is well-known, the combination of those three dynamics — accelerated by ever more creative and free financial markets — is made possible by emerging market countries — or, more precisely, renascent nations. After all, Angus Maddison’s data show that they accounted for three-quarters of the world’s riches before 1820.
Changing times
The Churchillian wisdom after the battle of El-Alamein in 1942 once again makes full sense : “Now, this is not the end. It is not even the beginning of the end. But it is, perhaps, the end of the beginning.” According to Malcolm D. Knight, the General Manager of the Bank for International Settlements, we should hail the “golden age” of globalization. “Golden age” ? Now we know for sure that we are in trouble.
Dangerous signs
The nature of armed conflicts around the globe should wake us up from our sweet illusion. Contemporary wars are in their vast majority intra-national, not international. And economics is no different from politics in this respect. The globally pressing issue is not the promise of Ricardo’s theory of comparative advantage, which foresees and delivers mutual gains to nations opened to trade reciprocity. The problem lies with what one could call the Stolper-Samuelson theorem curse — that is, the uneven distribution of those gains within each country according to skills. In a time of technological acceleration, technical progress and globalization conspire to fracture national compacts into separate and unequal societies.
A long-standing dilemma
The chicken or egg torment about the relationship between both factors and the rise of inequalities politically is of secondary order. The priority is to understand the difference between globalization and technical progress. People don’t revolt against technical progress, at least not anymore. The core of today’s globalization is transpacific, while the “first” globalization (1871-1914) was transatlantic. That is why the ever-growing turbulences encountered by the United States and China are bound to affect the world.
Increasing inequality
True, China is just the “C” in BRICs — and the BRICs are not the entire range of emerging countries. True as well, the EU’s internal and external trade represent a third of the global trade of goods. Still, there is little doubt that the United States and China are the two pillars of our globalization. Just think about growth of GDP, growth of trade and financial flows. And these very pillars may be vacillating. By a stunning historical coincidence, these two nations have also reached almost the exact same income inequality levels, in both cases, after a spectacular increase since the 1980s : Measured by the Gini index (0 = perfect equality, 1 = perfect inequality), China attained 0.472 in 2004 (according to the Asian Development Bank), while the United States reached 0.469 in 2005 (according to the U.S. Census Bureau).
Similar situation
For all their ostensible — and real — differences, the two colossuses have simultaneously entered a critical zone. China is in the well-known situation of skyrocketing inequality brought about by the pressure of an economic catch-up resembling a forced march. But China’s head-spinning pace of development unsettles even the warmest partisans of an occidental path to stability, where political liberalization more or less smoothly follows economic take-off.
Rising economic tension
What if China stumbles and falls into a new Boxer revolt, fueled by insurrectional social unrest that tends, according to some observers, to intensify and aggravate in the current period ? In any event, the anti-foreign sentiment is palpable. Restrictions against investment from abroad are increasing. All of the country’s economic sectors suddenly becoming “strategic.”
Changing views
Now regarding the United States, the country finds itself in the new, but empirically well-documented, context of increasing inequality — moving towards the “Victorian” levels of the early 20th century. In addition, the protectionist temptation has rarely been so powerful, even compared to the “Japan-bashing” era. According to the latest World Public Opinion poll, Americans — by a 60% majority — now consider international trade to be harmful to employment. They rank just behind the French (at 73%). As the U.S. Congress returns from its summer recess, legislation against currency manipulation targeting Beijing — which has already been publicly backed by Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton — awaits action.
More debate
Last but not least, a public debate — launched by MIT’s Paul Samuelson in 2004 and boosted by Princeton’s Alan Blinder a few months ago — now rages in academia between skeptics and unconditional free-traders. The anxiety of the latter ranks so high that more than a thousand of them, swallowing their methodological individualism, felt the need to solemnly reprimand the U.S. Congress from implementing Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act-like laws in a petition published on August 1, 2007.
Relying on organizations
This transpacific malaise — exacerbated this summer by the discovery of hazardous Chinese consumer products, the widening trade deficit and a slowing U.S. economy — is the most serious threat to the future of globalization. That applies even with regard to the current bout of very real instability in global financial markets — for which an end is not in sight. Oft-criticized though they are, both the OECD and the IMF have sensed the danger. One rang the alarm against the risk of rising wage inequalities in developed countries. The other lectured emerging countries on unfair exchange-rate policies.
Solutions to the problem
But what can the United States and China do in practice ? Economic historians of the first globalization have shown that the political economy of openness leads to two types of national reaction to market integration : trade and financial protectionism on the one hand, and the development of the welfare state on the other. Those two policies are already implemented in our globalized world. The EU absorbs globalization with the welfare state — and India relies on protectionism to manage its development. The result is that — in contrast to the United States and China — the EU and India have close to the same low level of income inequality (with India reaching 0.36 in 2004 and the EU 0.31 in 2005). It does not discourage protest, but it might avoid unrest.
Together in a cause
To their dismay, China and the United States may soon discover that globalization is very much like climate change : The accumulation of inequalities makes the level of “globophobia” climb so high that countries are left with the need to combine adaptation tactics to a less fluid global economy and mitigation strategy. That requires them to understand how to reduce the level of inequality generated by the economic growth of recent decades. Since China and the United States now produce the same amount of greenhouse gases and have similar levels of income inequality, maybe they can learn how to reduce them simultaneously.
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La délocalisation crée aussi des emplois dans le pays d’origine
Yves Petignat - dimanche 19 juin 2005 - Berlin
TRAVAIL. Un nouveau poste à l’étranger entraîne la création de deux autres en Allemagne, estime une étude de Mc Kinsey menée auprès de 5000 entreprises de taille moyenne.
« Les entreprises allemandes peuvent créer en Allemagne ces prochaines années un million de nouvelles places de travail si elles utilisent à fond leur potentiel », estime Jürgen Meffert, directeur de McKinsey et auteur d’une étude sur « Le patronat en Allemagne » publiée vendredi.
Selon celle-ci, chaque place de travail créée à l’étranger par une entreprise moyenne allemande, pour autant qu’elle soit en bonne santé, a entraîné la création de 2,5 emplois au pays. L’étude a été menée auprès de 5000 sociétés de toutes les branches, ayant un chiffre d’affaires situé entre 50 millions et 3 milliards d’euros. Les résultats montrent que 40% d’entre elles ont, entre 1998 et 2003, installé en moyenne 166 places de travail à l’étranger, ce qui a entraîné 431 nouveaux jobs en Allemagne. Par contre, lorsque l’entreprise va mal, pour 28 emplois créés à l’étranger, elle en détruit une centaine dans son pays d’origine. Au total, les entreprises allemandes qui se sont étendues à l’étranger ont développé en moyenne 172 emplois en Allemagne contre 113 en Chine, en Europe de l’Est ou aux Etats-Unis.
Miser sur la valeur ajoutée
Les 5 millions de chômeurs allemands et le recul du salaire réel ne proviendraient donc pas des phénomènes de globalisation ou de délocalisation des entreprises, mais des pertes de parts de marché et de la faible consommation intérieure. Ainsi, le secteur électrique allemand est passé de 11% à 5,2% du marché mondial entre 1992 et 2002, l’automobile de 13,6% à 12,8%.
« Les entreprises qui ont des objectifs clairs pour leur internationalisation et l’innovation travaillent de manière profitable et croissent rapidement », dit McKinsey. Cela suppose qu’elles soient proches des nouveaux marchés non seulement par la distribution, mais aussi par la production, l’approvisionnement et de plus en plus par la recherche et le développement. Cette tendance incite la maison mère allemande à se concentrer sur des produits à plus haute valeur ajoutée. « Beaucoup d’exemples de réussites montrent que les entreprises innovatives peuvent être concurrentielles même en produisant sur sol allemand », estime Jürgen Meffert.
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Près d’un an de correspondances européennes du travail ne laisse pas indemne de bien des idées reçues hexagonales, mais pas seulement... La mutation de société que nous livre la mutation du travail partout en Europe bouscule les capacités de nos cultures respectives à la nommer pour la doter de sens. La propension naturelle à importer des solutions, qui feraient l’économie d’éclaircir un problème spécifique national, pousse la curiosité vers la palette de réponses des voisins. Une recherche de copier-coller dont on découvre vite qu’elle est vaine, enrobées que sont les dites réponses dans le gangue de l’histoire de chacune des cultures.
En fait, neuf mois de correspondances européennes du travail, dont une sélection vous est proposée pour ce mois d’août, révèle moins des solutions variées aux problèmes rencontrés, qu’en amont de tout cela, des questions similaires.
Ainsi de « la flexicurité danoise », où ce ne sont pas tant les recettes utilisées qui diffèrent des nôtres, que la manière dont législateur, patronat et syndicats s’emparent de ce sujet. Mais comme il n’est pas question d’importer les dits acteurs…
Ainsi du rêve des « 60h de travail hebdomadaire de Lituanie », versant balte du travailler plus de la campagne électorale française, qui, à l’observation des faits, montre partout en Europe un temps de travail effectif très inférieur à la durée maximale autorisée. Comme quoi le temps, pour être un constituant du travail, n’en est qu’une composante qui n’épuise nulle part le sujet du travail comme celui du chômage.
« Contre les discriminations raciales au travail », les Britanniques s’appuient sur l’appartenance ethnique des bénéficiaires des allocations de chômage pour la révéler comme telle. On casserait en France un tel thermomètre qui ferait scandale pour mesurer la même discrimination (ici qu’outre Manche). Mais quels que soient les thermomètres, c’est toujours d’une même discrimination européenne ethnique au travail dont il s’agit, et ceci dans les pays les mieux lotis de l’Ouest et du Nord comme dans ceux de l’Est et du Sud.
A l’Est « le Far-West à la roumaine » nous informe d’une autre nature de discrimination, celle d’un terrible manque d’offres d’emploi, couplé aux pratiques liberticides des nouveaux investisseurs, dans un Etat de droit encore évanescent, avec des syndicats encore décrédibilisés de ce qu’ils ont été sous le communisme. Et que dire au Sud des ex pays latins d’émigration, devenus pays d’immigration, confrontés à des questions identitaires, mais privés d’un ministère de l’immigration et de l’identité nationale pour afficher le faux semblant de régler le problème ?
Versant « Senior », au même âge, on est moins discriminé au travail dans les pays scandinaves qu’ailleurs. Là bas, offre est faite d’une utilité sociale et citoyenne où le travail est adapté au senior plutôt que l’inverse. Un travail auquel devra vite se mettre « l’Allemagne qui vient de porter l’âge de la retraite à 67 ans ». Mais là, comme partout en Europe, c’est la même question en amont de la diversité des réponses, celle de la reconnaissance de la dignité de l’ancien dans la société, dans ce qu’elle sauvegarde de transmission et de lien intergénérationnel.
Notre syndicalisme n’est pas malade que d’être français
Reste maintenant l’essentiel, en l’occurrence comment faire pour que ces questions puissent être nommées au sein du monde du travail, et que les contrepouvoirs syndicaux sachent en redevenir porteurs. Cet essentiel agite nos analyses depuis une génération déjà. C’est du constat de cette vulnérabilité syndicale française qu’est né Metis, afin de faire venir d’ailleurs, les questions dont notre syndicalisme fait par trop l’économie, pour lui même comme pour la société. Notre syndicalisme n’est en effet pas malade que d’être français. Il souffre de la même maladie que ses collègues européens scandinaves, anglo-saxons, latins ou orientaux et plus généralement mondiaux. En témoigne l’état de "suspension turbulente de la CES " à son congrès de Séville. Une maladie grave s’il en est, celle de ne plus réussir à imposer à un marché guidé par un libéralisme délirant, ce qui ne peut être valorisé financièrement. Une maladie d’absence de contrepouvoir, que l’essentiel de ce qui n’a pas de prix, en l’occurrence la démocratie, pourrait possiblement s’y perdre. Une réelle inquiétude qui pourrait presque faire regretter la bonne vieille lutte des classes qui se jouait après la Libération de ce côté ci du rideau de fer.
Cette histoire de class action issue de l’antre même du capitalisme
Peut être est-ce même ce qui nous vaut d’avoir sélectionné l’article « le retour de la lutte des class », quand bien même ne s’agit-il que de « class-action », ceci pour en faire cadeau à nos lecteurs syndicaux en mal d’exercice de contre pouvoir face au marché. Il se pourrait en effet, pourront fantasmer certains, qu’avec cette histoire de class-action issue de l’antre même du capitalisme triomphant, celui-ci soit en train de jouer à faire plaisir à Marx, en creusant sa propre tombe. Nous opterions plutôt (à Metis) en faveur de ce qui en démocratie - et les USA en sont une- , fait que l’on peut légitimement interroger n’importe quel postulat, dès lors que ce dernier met en cause la liberté. Il n’est pas dénué d’intérêt de voir le consommateur, par excellence consubstantiel au marché, revendiquer un statut de sujet et pas seulement d’objet, en s’organisant et s’érigeant en contrepouvoir, dans une relation jusqu’alors déséquilibrée entre fournisseurs de biens ou services et individus consommateurs atomisés. Après tout, un consommateur n’est rien d’autre que simultanément un citoyen, un travailleur et possiblement un syndicaliste d’entreprise. Il peut être fournisseur de nuisances sociétales par le biais de ce qu’il fabrique et donne à consommer aux autres comme à lui même. Difficile dès lors de ne pas se demander si, pour être syndicaliste à part entière, il ne faudrait pas investir tous les espaces plutôt que se limiter à l’entreprise.
Bonnes vacances en attendant une rentrée sociale française qui a toute chance d’être plus insolite que tonitruante.
Henri Vacquin
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Au Danemark, un salarié sur trois n’est pas couvert par une convention collective. Bien d’autres indicateurs inquiètent les syndicats.
Selon une récente étude, réalisée par CARMA, le centre de recherche universitaire sur le marché de travail, le modèle « danois » si fortement prôné dans nos pays depuis quelques temps connaît un certain nombre de difficultés. D’une part, malgré une syndicalisation très élevée, un salarié sur trois n’est pas couvert par une convention collective. Ce constat vient d’inciter les quatre principaux syndicats (LO, FTF, AC et LH) à agir en vue de réduire ce nombre de moitié dans les trois prochaines années. D’autre part, et en dépit des objectifs de réduction affichés tant au plan national qu’au plan européen, le nombre des accidents du travail a augmenté en 2006 - près de 20% par rapport à 2005 - pour la troisième année consécutive sans qu’on puisse attribuer cette tendance à l’augmentation du taux d’emploi.
En Europe, on constate une tendance à l’augmentation des accidents, notamment en France, alors qu’en matière de couverture conventionnelle, le paysage est très disparate. A l’Ouest, le Danemark fait figure d’exception. Seuls le Royaume Uni et l’Irlande connaissent des niveaux bien plus bas. Les pays scandinaves, la Belgique et la France - ici grâce à son mécanisme d’extension - caracolent avec des taux supérieurs à 90 %. L’Allemagne, elle, voit son taux de couverture s’éroder continuellement depuis le milieu des années 90. A l’Est, tous les pays affichent des taux le plus souvent inférieurs à 40%, largement liés à une négociation collective de branche embryonnaire, à l’exception notable de la Slovénie, qui connaît des mécanismes d’adhésion obligatoire à des organismes de négociation. Voilà, parmi d’autres, un motif d’ « exemplarité » pour ce petit pays qui pour la première fois assurera la présidence de l’UE en janvier prochain.
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Rapport. L’Europe doit s’unir contre les délocalisations. Les chercheurs de l’OFCE présentaient hier une vaste étude sur les délocalisations en Europe.
HOFFNER Anne-Bénédicte - mardi 5 juillet 2005
.Le débat sur les délocalisations ne faiblit pas. Hier, l’Observatoire français des conjonctures économiques (OFCE), organisme de recherche lié à l’Institut d’études politiques et présidé par Jean-Paul Fitoussi, présentait le dernier numéro de sa revue trimestrielle, entièrement consacré au triptyque : « Attractivité, délocalisations et concurrence fiscale ». Ses chercheurs y livrent une analyse assez détonante, dans un contexte où les appels aux assouplissements du code du travail se multiplient. À leurs yeux, tous les pays d’Europe - y compris les nouveaux entrants - « ont à perdre à la baisse du niveau de protection sociale et des revenus » à l’Ouest.
Comme à leur habitude, les chercheurs de l’OFCE ont renouvelé leurs critiques contre ceux qui voient dans le chômage français ou allemand un problème « structurel ». Le sénateur UC Jean Arthuis, qui présentait, il y a quelques jours, la version actualisée de son fameux rapport de 1993 sur les délocalisations, est de ceux-là. « La panne française en matière d’emplois et sa vulnérabilité face aux délocalisations tiennent avant tout au retard pris dans les grandes réformes structurelles et à une obsolescence, sinon de son modèle, du moins de certaines de ses composantes qui l’empêchent d’être performant », écrit-il dans son rapport. Il se fonde pour cela sur une étude commandée à un cabinet de conseil : les chefs d’entreprise interrogés indiquent en effet que « le premier motif de délocalisation est lié, avant le coût du travail, à un besoin de flexibilité impossible à satisfaire en France ». Le sénateur, président de la commission des finances, recommande donc un assouplissement du droit du travail et, en corollaire, « une profonde modernisation des aides » et de l’ANPE.
À l’inverse, l’OFCE appelle les pays européens à renoncer à la concurrence entre eux et à ne pas « se résigner à un partage des activités » : aux pays de l’Est les activités employant une main-d’oeuvre qualifiée et à ceux de l’Ouest celles intégrant des hautes technologies. « Les tenants de ce modèle considèrent que les salariés qui perdent leur emploi bénéficieront en échange de produits importés à bas prix, et maintiendront donc leur pouvoir d’achat », résume Henri Sterdyniak, directeur du département consacré à la mondialisation. Problème : les victimes de restructurations ne peuvent retrouver d’emploi, les activités non qualifiées ayant quitté le pays, quand, en haut de l’échelle, « les plus aisés, en faisant jouer la concurrence fiscale », font peser un risque sur le financement de l’assurance-chômage.
S’ils partagent avec Jean Arthuis l’idée selon laquelle il convient de maintenir en Europe de l’Ouest des secteurs employant de la main-d’oeuvre non qualifiée, les chercheurs de l’OFCE s’en distinguent sur les moyens à mettre en oeuvre. Son président, Jean-Paul Fitoussi, s’insurge contre ce « syllogisme selon lequel le problème des pays riches est d’être riches ». « Le problème n’est pas celui de la protection sociale, assure-t-il. Même si les pays d’Europe centrale et orientale avaient le même dispositif que le nôtre, leurs coûts de production resteraient bien moins élevés. » Le plus dangereux pour la France ou l’Allemagne serait donc de se lancer dans une concurrence avec leurs voisins de l’Est, en réduisant soit les salaires soit les taux d’imposition. Directeur du nouveau département de recherche consacré à l’innovation et la concurrence, Jean-Luc Gaffard en est convaincu : « La flexibilité des rémunérations n’est pas porteuse de croissance mais plutôt de récession en raison de son impact sur la demande. De même, affaiblir l’offre publique pèse sur la croissance. »
Les pays européens doivent, au contraire, définir une politique économique ambitieuse et surtout « concertée » : pôles de compétitivité pour rendre « coûteuses » les délocalisations, aides ciblées aux PME innovantes, ou encore soutien aux secteurs en difficulté. « S’ils veulent rester riches, les pays riches doivent avoir une stratégie », résume le président de l’OFCE. Et si, comme au Royaume-Uni, ils font plutôt le choix d’une politique libérale fondée sur plus de flexibilité, ils ne doivent pas oublier « que la croissance est la condition de son acceptabilité ».
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| P. Artus, P. Cahuc, et A. Zylberberg, Conseil d’Analyse économique, La Documentation française, Paris, Rapport n° 68, 134 pages.
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| H. Hartmann et al., Institute for Women’s Policy Research, Washington, Briefing paper, n° R334, 28 pages.
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| Jean-Louis Laville, Benoît Lévesque, Marguerite Mendell, ARUC-ES, Cahier C-11-2006, 46 pages.
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| Odile Chagny, Métis. Correspondances européennes du travail
Les partisans d’une substitution de la TVA aux cotisations sociales soulignent son caractère favorable à l’emploi et sa neutralité vis à vis du financement de la sécurité sociale. D’autres considèrent qu’une telle réforme acte le fait que le futur accroissement des dépenses sociales ne pourra être financé que par une augmentation des cotisations. L’exemple allemand est éclairant.
Le projet de basculement des cotisations d’assurance chômage sur la TVA a été l’une des propositions phares de la campagne éléctorale. Porté par la CDU-CSU, il s’apparentait bien dans sa conception initiale à une « TVA sociale ». La totalité des trois points de relèvement devant être affectée à une réduction de deux points du taux de cotisation chômage. L’argument de la désinflation compétitive, largement invoqué en France dans le débat , a été secondaire. Ce qui peut se comprendre, compte tenu du redressement spectaculaire de la compétitivité des entreprises allemandes opéré depuis le début des années 2000. Ce au prix d’un recul de 0.45%, en moyenne par an entre 2001 et 2006, du pouvoir d’achat du salaire moyen. Dans son rapport de fin 2005, le Conseil des sages mettait en revanche en avant des arguments d’équité et se basait sur les résultats de différentes études pour préconiser plutôt un basculement mixte sur l’impôt sur le revenu et la TVA.
Prime à la réduction du déficit budgétaire plutôt qu’aux taux de cotisation
Le projet final a été adopté en juin 2006, avec une ambition sociale nettement revue à la baisse, mais également une ambition budgétaire nettement revue à la hausse, à un moment où l’Allemagne faisait encore l’objet d’une procédure pour déficit excessif et où la plupart des instituts de conjoncture prévoyaient encore une croissance assez modérée pour 2006 et 2007 (respectivement +1,8% et +1,2%, contre +3,1% in fine pour 2006).
La priorité donnée à la réduction du déficit budgétaire a conduit le gouvernement à affecter la hausse de la TVA à hauteur d’un tiers seulement au financement de la baisse des taux de cotisation, les deux autres tiers étant affectés au budget fédéral. Sur les 2,3 points de baisse du taux de cotisation à l’assurance chômage (6,5 à 4,5%), seule la moitié a été couverte par la hausse de la TVA. L’autre moitié revenait à l’agence fédérale du travail, dont le solde financier a été largement excédentaire en 2006, du fait de l’amélioration du marché du travail, mais aussi de l’entrée en vigueur de la réduction de la durée d’indemnisation à l’assurance chômage.
Si l’on tient compte du relèvement de 19,5 à 19,9% (garanti par la coalition jusqu’en 2009) du taux de cotisation à l’assurance invalidité-vieillesse et du relèvement de 14,2 à 14,8% du taux de cotisation des caisses d’assurance maladie, le taux institutionnel de cotisation sociale s’établit en 2007 à 40,6%, soit à peine supérieur au seuil symbolique de 40%, franchi en 1996, et en deçà duquel, l’ensemble des gouvernements en place depuis lors s’efforce de revenir.
Loin d’être équilibré, le « paquet TVA » se solde donc par un supplément net de recettes pour l’Etat de l’ordre d’un peu moins de 0,4 point de PIB, dont plus de la moitié est supportée par les ménages, via la hausse de l’inflation. L’impact sur les ménages du premier décile sera supérieur d’environ 30% à celui du neuvième décile, alors même que l’Allemagne est l’un des pays de l’UE15 où les inégalités salariales sont désormais parmi les plus élevées. La mesure mise en place en janvier 2007 en Allemagne s’inscrit en fait dans la suite logique des réformes antérieures de l’assurance chômage et de l’assurance invalidité-vieillesse : elle ne fait qu’entériner le choix de limiter la part des ressources nationales affectées aux régimes sociaux contributifs, de favoriser le recours croissant à la protection individuelle, au risque de développer de la pauvreté et de fragiliser une cohésion sociale déjà bien malmenée depuis une dizaine d’années en Allemagne.
Odile Chagny, chercheur affilié à l’OFCE
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| Chantal Rayes, Le Temps
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| Jean-François Lisée, L’actualité
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| Heather Boushey, Shawn Fremstad, Rachel Gragg, Margy Waller, Center for Economic Policy and Research, 24 pages.
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| Gérard Grunberg, Telos-eu.
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| Réseau européen des associations de lutte contre la pauvreté et l’exclusion sociale (EAPN), Lettre d’information no. 105, mars-avril 2004, 12 pages
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| Etudes coordonnées par D. Cohen, Cepremap, Paris, 238 pages.
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| Une réunion sur fond de crise européenne
Européens et Américains se sont retrouvés pour évoquer relations internationales et commerce
Corentin Wauters - 21 juin 2005
Au lendemain de la foire d’empoigne sur le budget, un Jean-Claude Juncker amer déclarait : "demain, je vais expliquer en détail aux Etats-Unis la force et la vigueur de l’Europe". Le président en exercice de l’Union, accompagné du président de la Commission José Manuel Barroso et du haut représentant de la diplomatie commune Javier Solana, a toutefois adopté un ton plus sérieux face à Georges Bush et son équipe. Il a « expliqué en détail à notre plus proche allié les récents événements » en Europe et a affirmé que « l’Union n’est pas à genoux mais joue son rôle comme partenaire international ».
Relations internationales
Etats-Unis et Europe ont réaffirmé hier leur intention de coopérer sur le plan international, confirmant la considérable amélioration de leurs relations depuis le début du second mandat de Georges Bush. Depuis que Washington se montre beaucoup moins unilatéraliste, les sujets d’entente sont devenus nombreux : Iran, Chine, plan américain de démocratisation du Moyen-Orient… Même sur Irak, la tension est fort retombée. Ce dernier point fera d’ailleurs l’objet d’une réunion internationale à Bruxelles ce mercredi 22 juin, et Georges Bush a "félicité" les Européens pour leur aide à la reconstruction.
Mais la crise communautaire pourrait avoir des incidences sur la capacité et la volonté de l’Union à assumer un rôle international. Les relations acerbes entre la Grande-Bretagne d’une part et la France et l’Allemagne de l’autre pourraient affecter les discussions sur son programme nucléaire iranien, car les trois pays mènent ensemble les discussions avec Téhéran. Par ailleurs, les Etats-Unis comptent sur l’Europe pour trouver une solution au problème du Kosovo, ainsi que sur d’autres dossiers comme la lutte antiterroriste. Hors, beaucoup craignent que l’Union "sera paralysée en tant que force majeure dans les affaires mondiales", explique John Palmer, chercheur au European Policy Centre.
Washington affirme s’inquiéter de la crise de l’Union. Selon certains observateurs, le sentiment de l’administration Bush est en réalité partagé entre la joie des néo-conservateurs à voir l’échec d’une Union politique et l’ennui de ne pas pouvoir compter sur un partenaire européen fort. Mais ce qui inquiète surtout les Américains, c’est le doute que la crise de l’Union fait planer sur l’adhésion de la Turquie, à laquelle Washington accorde une importance stratégique. Les Américains ont de nouveau exprimé ce point de vue, mais en adoptant un ton beaucoup plus diplomatique qu’auparavant.
Commerce
La crise européenne n’a, en revanche, que peu d’effet sur les relations commerciales entre les Etats-Unis et l’Union. Le commerce est une matière dans laquelle l’Union exerce une compétence exclusive par rapport aux Etats membres, et parle donc d’une seule voix. Les Etats-Unis font donc toujours face à un concurrent coriace, mais aussi à un partenaire important. Comme le rappelait hier la Commission, les Etats-Unis sont le premier partenaire de l’Union en matière d’échanges commerciaux et d’investissements.
Les deux blocs ont rappelé leur conviction que les échanges libres sont bénéfiques pour les deux côtés, et se sont accordés sur certains points précis de réglementation des relations commerciales. Ils ont décidé la création d’un "forum réglementaire de haut niveau", qui aura pour but d’éviter les conflits transatlantiques liés à de nouvelles lois ou directives. Ils n’ont toutefois pas décidé de résoudre la dispute Airbus-Boeing à l’amiable. Ce dossier fait l’objet de plaintes mutuelles introduites devant l’OMC fin mai.
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